Iqbal At A College Reception in Lahore

I studied for M. A. Philosophy at Government College, Lahore, during the years 1921-23. Professor G. C. Chatterji our brilliant teacher (St. Stephens, Delhi and Trinity, Cambridge) had then just returned from abroad and taken charge of the M. A., class at G. C., which had been suspended or abolished since L. P. Saunders (1911-14) had left G. C., seven years earlier. Saunders himself had relieved Iqbal of his professorship at G. C. I had come to Lahore with a B. A., from Aligarh and from Aligarh I had brought with me a copy of Secrets of the Self, Nicholson's English translation of Iqbal's Asrar-i-Khudi.

Students including Muslim students of our generation; knew Iqbal largely through hearsay, to a lesser extent through direct reading. During a visit to Lahore I had listened to one of his public recitations at the Himayat-i-Islam and had read some of his longer poems then available in print. Whether we understood much or little of Iqbal, there was no doubt we were all proud of Iqbal, great Indian and great Muslim, leader, scholar, poet, and philosopher.

I returned to college from the 1921 winter recess at Amritsar on New Year's day. The newspapers carried the New Year's Honour list. I had barely looked at it in the Civil and Military Gazette when I found that Iqbal had been knighted. It delighted and even thrilled me. Thinking was in Hindu-Muslim terms. Muslims had to hear criticism issued from Hindu quarters that Muslims were backward in everything, in brains, in business, in the professions, in the services and so on. But here and there evidence cropped up and it was very welcome that Muslims were not so backward after all, that they had brains and professional and managerial gifts, and intellectual gifts sometimes of a very high order. The most outstanding example was Iqbal, Muslim barrister who wrote poetry and pursued philosophy as his hobbies, and who had been chosen now by a Western scholar for projection upon the Western intellectual scene. Iqbal proved that Muslims were not backward. Given the chance to express or assert they could give an excellent account of themselves. Iqbal's verse proved that if Muslims lacked riches or education or social and political importance, they more than made up by their rich past and their promise of a rich future.

It was good Iqbal had been chosen for the honour of a knight-hood. The British conferred this honour on their own distinguished men. Iqbal was not in politics, nor in any other field the British might wish to reward for imperialist ends. Iqbal's knighthood was a recognition of his intellectual gifts. Occasionally such recognition was present in Honours lists produced by the British. Iqbal had been knighted for his eminence as a poet and thinker and for his significance for Muslim Indian, Muslim Asian and Muslim world culture. When the college reopened our small class of 4 or 5 or 6 Hindu, Muslim, Christian, and Sikh students talked about it and without'' any effort the decision came that students of philosophy at G. C., l grouped in the Brett Philosophical Society should hold a reception in,' honour of Dr. (now Sir) Muhammad Iqbal, old G. C. student and professor, distinguished Lahore citizen, and Muslim poet and thinker, whom a Western professor and a Western publisher had chosen for the notice of the West. In crude Indian-Hindu-Muslim terms he could be placed next to Rabindra Nath Tagore, higher than Tagore according to some. If Tagore had been chosen for knighthood and for the Nobel prize Iqbal could also be. Office holders of college societies look for such occasions. The principal working officer of the Brett, in those days was the Secretary, generally chosen from out of the B. A., students. The M. A. students were a minority not available or not important for the purpose. Brett Secretary, Kalimur Rahman, belonged to a family well-known in the cultural circles of Lahore. He was joined by Assistant Secretary Manohar Nath Seth, also a B. A., student, liberal and cosmopolitan by temperament. The mechanics of the reception was in the hands of these two: they raised the money, they chose the caterer, they made up the list of the guests to be invited from outside the hosting philosophical circle. They drew up the programme. The date carefully recorded on the group photograph taken on the occasion was late in January 1922. The honour o carrying the invitation of the Brett Society, which meant an invitation by G. C., staff and students functioning through one of their most celebrated societies, went to the M. A., students. We went in a group consisting of myself, Ranjit Singh who, let me record in sorrow, died a young lecturer in Guru Nanak College, Gujranwala, and Dina Nath, later of Punjab Police. There could be others, Secretary Kalimur-Rahman, for instance, but I do not remember. The poet had shifted from his Anarkali residence to a bungalow on McLeod Road. We called sometime in an the easy afternoon chair, may be with him a newspaper, e verandah sitting his hookah crosslegged conveniently near and dressed in the easiest and simplest of ways, a shirt and shalwar and something woollen. There was no excitement on our arrival. Only, a visit by a group of students-Hindu, Muslim, Sikh—all from his own old G. C., and all students of philosophy meant something. We carried a letter from Professor Chatterji, addressed to Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal Having handed over the letter we did not have to do much. Naturally and easily came the answer. Of course, after necessary inquiries, the answer was yes. The date and time were settled. It was also settled that some of us will come to his house to accompany him to the college. But we were not dismissed soon after. Courtesy and curiosity seemed to intervene. The poet asked us questions. We could not have said much in reply. But he seemed to take us seriously and talked to us as to his equals. One could see there was a big subject on his mind. He revealed some of it at this very meeting, some of it at the reception.

The reception was held in one of the smaller lawns to the west of the college tower. To this we repaired soon after the group photo-graph had been taken by Bali under the well known Indian laburnum which—with its clusters of yellow flowers-has supplied the back-ground of 90% of all G. C., group photographs. In the photograph can be seen Principal A. S. Hemmy, model of British punctiliousness, who seemed to take a keen interest in our function the equally keen or even keener Professor G. C. Chatterji, head of our department, Professor Ahmad Husain, our only other teacher those days (recently retired at 78 as Principal, Islamia College, Gujranwala), all the M.A., and B.A., students of philosophy and some others. One may see, as indeed in any such photograph may be seen, how some of those who later became important in different walks of life in India and Pakistan looked in their early youth. Also in the photograph may be seen Major Shaikh Fazl Haq whose carefully kept copy of this historic Photograph has been reproduced in this issue of Iqbal Review; also Anwar Sihander Khan who became important in public school administration in West Pakistan.

The reception itself was simple and rational. Tea was served by Lorangs, leading Lahore caterer of the time. Then came the speeches. Only two. One from the college side, the other in reply by Iqbal. There were also recitations from Iqbal. Somehow I had taken charge of the college speech and the recitations. The speech was done by me, for the recitations I asked a friend Kazim Husain, for many years one of the only two or three Muslim members of the faculty of the then Maclagan Engineering College. The recitation (or recitations) came at the end and every one—including Iqbal—enjoyed. Iqbal listened with great dignity, quietly, and somewhat seriously.

As for the college speech. I had written it out and got it up perfectly. A copy of it later went to the Muslim Outlook and was printed verbatim. (Who can now lay hand on this once great Muslim daily published by Maulana Abdul Haq from Bungalow Ayub Shah and edited by a brilliant Muslim Englishman or Anglo-Indian Daud Upson?)

In my speech I had—undersigned--worked on the theme that philosophers differed very much amongst themselves, that philosophy was mostly concerned with defining differences, that students of philosophy had to choose soon enough the philosopher or philosophers they would rather belong to, that their choice depended very much on' the impressions they received from their first readings or their first teachers, that philosophy in short, tended to be personality-dominated. One sentence in my speech ran like this:

Elsewhere there may be Kantians or Hegelians or what not, but we at GC are just Chatterjians!

A key description of my theme and also of how persuasive and popular was our own teacher Chatterji. The speech seemed to have worked well. It raised some laughter. Hemmy and Chatterji were the loudest to laugh. Among the students Ugra Sen later well-known Professor of English Literature sat as chief correspondent of the G,C.,' magazine Ravi. He wrote about it in the Ravi. I cannot say what Iqbal thought of it. Not much, I suppose. Except that it was a welcome speech by a student. But it made me glad to think I had come to his notice.

When Iqbal rose to speak every one adjusted himself, so as not to jmiss a single word out of what he was going to say. Anything that came from the poet's lips was important and had to be listened to with attention. Iqbal did not speak much though. Maybe he was in search of a theme. Before an audience of Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Christian students and teachers, among them an English Principal, a physicist of some learning, what theme was it best to raise? A completely Muslim theme would not go well with a mixed audience. An Indian theme was hard to invent. A philosophical theme could be tame or tenuous. If there was a search, it was settled by Einstein. Einstein was the rage those days. And Iqbal's interest in Einstein was unusual. In retrospect today, one can say that Iqbal at the time was thinking of what to make of Einstein in philosophy, in higher poetry and in religious experience. Einstein had set new dimensions for philosophical thought and scientific descriptions. No wonder, Iqbal had taken little notice of the speech he had just listened to. He went on to speak about something which, it became quite clear, was very much on his mind. It also became clear that what he was going to say was linked with the conversation he had raised with us when we went to invite him to this GC reception. And in the light of what Iqbal has said and written since (especially in his Reconstruction), we can say that in the 1920's Iqbal was thinking furiously of the philosophy and science of his day and of relating everything important in it to an Islamic world-view reconstructed after his own mind and heart. It is impossible to recall, now aftera bout 50 years, what Iqbal actually said on the occasion. But from the images which happen to survive I think I could construct his speech in the following way:

My interest in philosophy—the last many years—has centred round the problem of space and time. Our earth and all around it occupies space. It is itself space and moves in space but has its being in time. So at least many of us would say. But how space and time appear to us in our daily experience may not be as they appear to a philosopher or a scientist. Space and time of daily experience may be dismissed as mere appearance. Philosophers have said this since Hegel. But what they are in reality, we have no means of knowing. Nobody knows, therefore there is also the problem of how space and time appear to God. These are problems also for theistic philosophers. And they have thought and speculated about them. In the Muslim scripture—the Holy Quran—there are clear indications that time is important, very important, that there is human time and there is divine time. Divine time is reckoned in a way different from human time. There is also the infinite, unlimited knowledge of God, knowledge without dimensions; without a before and after except perhaps in a sense to be defined carefully; without, that is to say, a sharp distinction between past, present and future.

Muslim mystical poets and thinkers have been attracted to this theme and some of them have expressed themselves in startlingly modern ways. Their modern parallel is the German Professor Albert Einstein who has proved mathematically that our time and space are phenomenal. They may be important phenomenally, but they are nothing ultimate, nothing in their own right. They are symptoms of a more ultimate reality, to be described in ways very different from the conventional.

Einstein's thought is yet unkown except to mathematicians. Therefore, I have been discussing the subject with professors of mathematics. But they are unable to communicate the meaning Einstein's ideas have for ordinary men and philosophers. In mathematical language, mathematicians tell us, Einstein makes perfect good sense. I believe they are right. But Einstein should make perfect good sense even to the ordinary man and the philosopher. Perhaps not yet I have been studying expositions of Einstein's mathematical work. Everybody says it is startling. And it does seem startling. Exactly what is startling in it, it is not easy to say. My own study of the subject—it is called Relativity—extends over the last many years. I have felt interested in it more and more. For, it seems to bring Islam, the Holy Quran, and the mystics of Islam, on the one hand, and the new physical and mathematical science, on the other, closer together. I have a mind to trace out the two strands and put them together so as to show how significant and how similar they are. The commonsense view of a world of solid matter moving in the stream of time, or of time flowing upon a world of space and solid objects, is not true. It has to change. It is truer to say that space and time are signs of events. The world is made of events. No even can be described in terms of space and time, that is, partly space, partly time, but rather in terms of space and time all at once. We are still able to speak of space and time though. Space has to lose its rigidity and its status as something ultimate. In any case it is difficult to say which is more important ultimately, space or time? Perhaps time.

I hope I will have another opportunity of meeting you. I should also have time to consider the subject more carefully, also more time talking over and discussing. I may then explain more clearly how mystical religion—at least some mystical thinkers—and modern science are coming closer, trying to say the same thing. The outcome is interesting for every one, for students of religion as well as for students of science.

The speech—Iqbal's speech to the Brett Philosophical Society, Government College, Lahore-was over. Every one looked at every one else and all at Iqbal. A profound effect had been produced. Something very important—something that was yet unfolding—was on the poet's mind. Some of it had found expression; very much more of it was to find expression in its own good time. Iqbal's short speech had been heard by all agog. It was the promise of a longer speech to come. The promise was fulfilled at Madras in Iqbal's famous Lectures on the reconstruction of religious Thought in Islam,

After the speech came the recitations. Kazim Husain had taken charge of these. One piece sung beautifully by Kazim was especially well chosen. Kazim did not live long, He did not live to see all that Iqbal was to become in years to come. And certainly did not live to see Pakistan—Iqbal's conceptual and political child—take birth. So, let this reminiscence serve as a tribute to a forgotten friend who contributed much to the beauty of this occasion.

This piece I reproduce below from the Bang-i-Dara. It has a Powerful universalist message and it fitted so well into the occasion.

Incidentally, few people realise that Iqbal remained a universalist in his outlook and his thinking even when in politics he changed from an Indian nationalist to a Muslim communalist. For, as a leader of Indian Muslims he continued to argue for his positions not from partisan premises or for partisan ends, but from general premises, for general ends. How much he liked to talk of Asia and Africa and in the same breath! And not of Muslim Asia and Muslim Africa only, but of Asia and Africa as such. By Asia and Africa he meant the back-ward, the down - trodden, the exploited part of the world. The future of this part had to be assured before the future of the world could be assured.

The point is not understood by some of Iqbal's critics especially in India. Indian Muslim communalism was brought to birth by Indian Hindu communalism. But even after it had come to birth, its justification was sought in universalist, humanist terms, in the beauty of variety, in sub-grouping inherent in the political nature of man. This variety, this sub-grouping allowed to grow along healthy lines was bound to organise itself into a rich, meaningful, voluntary unity.

The piece I reproduce below describes the lovers of Iqbal's conception. Iqbal's lovers are devotees of big causes. Wherever found, Iqbal is ready to praise them, to stand up to them and salute them. The piece well-chosen, was as well-received at the Brett reception.

1, Strange in their ways and different from all the rest! Wherefrom do they come? these lovers, my Lord?

4. These still stars, night after night, oh they make me cry! Strange is my love and strange are my love-laments.

5. Ask me not how happy it feels to be without hearth and home, How many nests have I built only to burn away!

6. Eschew not me your fellow-traveller, and Tarry 0 fatas flame, we are doomed alike to destruction.

7. The saint lives on the hope of houries in heaven, His innocence and simplicity are all assumed, all appearance.

8. My couplets, Iqbal, why shouldn't they be dear to me? Mournful laments they, they flow out of a mournful heart.

It only remains to add that Iqbal walked both ways, from his McLeod Road, house to GC and back. We walked with him. An experience never to be forgotten. Throughout we witnessed an exceptional love of students in a great man. From the moment we went to invite him to the moment we parted with him at his door, he made us feel his equals.

On the subject of Iqbal's interest in students and his simple unassumed kindness towards them it may be mentioned that during a year or so in the late 1930's, a group of students (majority Sikh, 1 think), let by—now the Indian Sikh scholar and leader-Kapur Singh, visited Iqbal, now and then and returned invariably with interesting accounts of these visits. Between them—for a time—they also managed to bring out a Punjabi magazine (in Urdu script) called Sarang. An earlier issue of Sarang carried a full-length interview with Iqbal. The writeup was Kapur Singh's. One of the questions perhaps the main question—discussed was why Iqbal did not write Punjabi. Iqbal's answer was he was not wedded to any language in the creation of his verse. The choice of language depended on the theme to be handled. Iqbal's themes required now Persian, now Urdu, as a vehicle. His famous Lectures he wrote in English. There was no objection to writing Punjabi, therefore. If a theme turned up which required the use of Punjabi, he would write Punjabi.

I know about this because Kapur Singh was then studying for M. A., philosophy and was in almost daily contact with me. He was a brilliant student and passed M.A., a Nanak Bakhsh Medalist of the Punjab University. He entered the ICS but resigned soon after 1947 over some differences. He is very much in politics now.

As the present text shows us. the style of the Sūfi authors, in the second half of the third century after the Hijra, takes on a character which the works of al Muhasibi and Sahl did not have as yet. I deliberately and constantly uses its whole technical terminology. Bt instead of having the formal and chilling posture of an Ibn I `Arab setting outworn formulas with a jeweller's artistic talent, it betrays "hyperdialectic" tension, passionate and impetuous, marked wit frequent assonances and a division of the sentences that makes for reciting aloud. These characteristics of the Hallājian style appear for the first time in al Junayd's "authentic opuscules"; this is quit surprising, for al Junayd (+297/910), before this discovery, was regarded a very prudent and discreet mystical author. I give here the first lines of his کتاب دوآء الارواح"[319]

Siraj : to the 39th question of al Tirmidhi's Khatam al Awliya "wa mā al 'Aql al Akbar,- alladhi qusimat al 'uqul minhu lijami' khalqihi?" - Ibn I 'Arabi answers: it is al sirāj (Ms. 'Umumi, majmu'ah No. 1).

This theory of Muhammad's pre-existence[324] seems to have developed very early. Authors of the 4th century after the Hijra give an explicit testimony to this, and it must be admitted that it figured already in the "tafsir" fragments which the Sūfis have preserved under the name of Jā'far Sādiq.[325]

کما قال الصادق "اول ما خلق اللہ نور محمد صلعم قبل کل شئ، ما وجد اللہ عزوجل من خلقہ ذرۃ محمد صلعم، و اول من[326] حوی بہ القلم، لا الہ الا اللہ محمد رسول اللہ"[327]

The dogmatic development of this proposition is likely to have been the cause of accusations against al Fayyad ibn 'Ali, the author of al Qustas; for having affirmed the "divinity" of Muhammad, some 30 Year before al Hallāj's death.[328] It is possibly also al Fayyad and his group[329] whom al Baghdadi[330] has in mind when he speaks in the following terms of 'a group generically called "Mufawwidah:

"زعموا ان اللہ تعالی خلق محمدا ثم فوض الیہ تدبیر العالم ۔۔۔"

but the fact that further on 'Ali is being added to God and Muhammad as the "third mudabbir" seems rather to point to a special Shi'ite deformation of the general trend of ideas here under examination. On their side, the Sālimiyah shared al Hallāj's ideas on this point, since al Kilani accuses them of having said that "Muhammad knew the text the Qurān by heart In already before the date on other fragments related which received to the call".[331] In al Hallaj’s other fragments related to the Mission of Muhammad[332] the pre-existence theory appears less strongly than in the Tawasin : fragment 155 is however characteristic enough, and quite parallel to the "Tasin al Siraj". Al Sulami, tafsir on Qur. XLVIII, 29:

"سئل الحسین (بن منصور) متی کان محمد صلعم نبیا[333] و کیف جاء برسالتہ؟" فقال نحن بعد[334] الرسول والرسالۃ و النبی والنبوۃ، این انت عن ذکر من لا ذاکر لہ فی الحقیقۃ الا ھو، و عن ھویۃ من لا ھویۃ لہ الا بھویتہ، و این کان النبی صلعم عن[335] نبوتء حیث جری القلم بقولہ تعالی "محمد رسول اللہ" (Qur. XLVIII, 29) و المکان علۃ و الزمان علۃ و الزمان علۃ، فاین انت عن الحق و الحقیقۃ و لکن اذا ظہر اسم "محمد" صلعم بالرسالۃ[336] عطم محلہ بذکرہ لہ بالرسالۃ فھو الرسول المکین و السفیر الامبن، جری ذکرہ فی الازل بالتمکین، بین[337] الملائکۃ و الانبیاء عم علی اعظم محل و اشرف جمال"

In al Hallāj's thought, Muhammad, being entrusted with the untreated Word (cf. here below I,9, seems to have the twofold generation which the Catholic dogma affirms of Mary, the Mother of the Verbe : pre-eternal conception (Siraj=nabi) and temporal birth (risalah).

From the point of view of the "divine union", al Hallāj did not see it typified in Muhammad, but rather in Moses[338] and most of all in Jesus.[339] Hence, when one day he was urged to comment on Muhammad, he said this[340]

و قال رحم "لولم یبحث محمد عم لم تکمل المحجۃ علی جمیع الخلق و کان یرجوا الکفار النجاۃ من النار و اشد لنفسہ، (بسیط)

لم یبق بینی و بین الحق بنیان و لا دلیل و لا آیات بھران

ھذا تجلی طلوع الحق نائرۃ قد ازھرت فی تلالیھا بسلطان۔۔۔"

i.e.: if Muhammad had not been sent, the proof would not have been complete ... (But now), "between God and me there is no more in between. It is not any guide,[341] it is not any signs[342] that are a proof of God to me! Behold, the divine flames are rising, radiant, their blazing shine brings me the proof, glistening, majestic!!..."

"The meaning of all this is not accessible to him who is idle,-who ruins himself, as a sinner who nurses his desires,-as I do, as I do! And yet, "He" is as I, He is an "I" - do not then go away from me (o my God!) if Thou art "I" . . . ! Al Hallāj here plays upon the double meaning of اتی grammatically it means : "it is I", and in philosophy it became the equivalent of Greek "………….” (cf. the so-called Theology of Aristotle, ed. Dieterici, 1882, p. 118; its feminine form" "انیۃ", is more common: id. p. 189). Compare with al Hallāj's verse which aroused Nasir al Din al Tusi's admiration:

بینی و بینک "انی" ینازعنی[344]، فادفع بلطفک[345] "انی" من البین

In translation : "Between Thee and me there is an "it is I!", and it tortures me with the pains of hell,-ah! for mercy's sake, remove the "it is I" from in-between us!" so that in my heart there be no "in-between" anymore!"[346],

The word "ghamada al 'ayn 'an al 'ayn" is strictly parallel with Abū 'Amr al Dimishqi's words:[347] "التصوف غض الطرف عن الکون"

A parallel passage, taken from another, unnamed work of al Hallāj, is given by al Sulami[348] as a commentary on al Qur.IX 129:

"لقد جاء کم رسول من انفسکم" ۔۔۔ قال الحسین (بن منصور) من اجلکم نفسا، و اعلاکم ھمۃ، جاء بالکونین عوضا عن الحق، ماینظر الی الملکوت و لا الی السدرۃ و "مازاغ، بصرہ عن مشاھدۃ الحق، و "ما طغی" قلبہ عی موفقتہ،

We find here only a brief allusion to al Hallāj's theory of the vision Moses had of God on Mount Sinai, according to the Quranic account (VII, 139-140), which afforded the Sūfi vocabulary the term tajalli, i.e. "local transfiguration of the divine omnipresence under the form of a radiance that is visible to the saint."

Al Hallāj developed this theory in certain important passages preserved by al Sulami's Tafsir, fragment 69 (on al Qur. XX, 26; to be compared with the other recension preserve in al Baqli's. Tafsir fragment 22, on al Qur. VII, 139), by his Tabaqat[349], and by Ibn Khamis al K'abi's Manaqib[350] The Sūfis' attention was struck mainly by two points of the Quranic account : l). by the fact that Moses had asked to see God (VII, 139). and 2) by the fact that God had granted his demand, although the Quranic theology says he is inaccessible. Al Hallāj explained the two points with his theory of the infirad[351]: Moses, while thinking of the unique God, had unified, simplified and separated himself from the created beings to such an extent that God could show Himself to him only in the perfect isolation of his bare unity:

This theory, which is found sketched already in J'afar Sādiq's[352] "Tafsir", took on, in al Hallāj's century, at least two interesting variants: that of al Qāsim al Sayyari's (+342/953) "Tafsir" where Moses, first dazzled, then helped by Jibrāyl and Mikāyl, speaks with God who in the end[353] says to him: "انا اقرب الیک منک" I am closer to you than you yourself” and that of the Sālimiyah which incurred al Kilāni's censure.[354] Abū 'Uthmān al Maghribi (+373/983) who exposed it, explains Moses' being dazzled at the moment of the divine "tajalli" with the fact that at that moment he saw "seventy thousand Sinais" appear before him, - "and on top of each of them seventy thousand Moses, all dressed like him, with a staff in their hands like him and speaking the same words."[355]

Already earlier the Khattābiyah sect seems to have applied to J'afar Sādiq the comparison of the person who is inspired, with the Burning Bush from which rings the voice of God in the same way. Later it is also found with the Druze[356], with reference to the Imām. And again with the Sālimiyah who use it[357] in connection with their theory of the "tilāwah" (recitation of the Qurān) _which seems to go well back to J'afar Sādiq[358], although al Kilāni condemns it as not orthodox.[359]

"(Moses) said : God has made me become reality"....He has testified to my "sirr", but without my "damir". For this is the ".sirr", and that the "reality"!

When saying : God has "testified" to my "sirr", al Hallāj wants to say that God has "realized" it fully, has "personalized" it definitively. A Hallājian fragment preserved by al Kalābādhi[360] underlines this meaning of the verb "shahada":

"التوحید افرادک متوحدا، و ھو ان یشھدک الحق ایاک"

The "tawhid" is that you isolate yourself when pronouncing it, and God may thus give testimony of you to yourself!

As to the difference between "sirr" and "damir": "damir" means that "external" consciousness, that shell of the personal being which is expressed by the pronoun "I"; "sirr", on the other hand, is inside "damir", it is the subconscious, the unpronounceable substratum of the “I”

Here appear for the first time those curious mathematical symbols which al Hallāj uses throughout the "Tawasin" (cf e-l1°, g-1°, h-4°s 5°, J-1°, 16°) in order to Summarize his mystical definitions.[361]

This method has, after him, been resumed and developed in ways dhfferent from his own: by the authors of the Druze, like the one of the Kitab al Nuqat wa al Danāyr”,[362] then by Ibn I 'Arabi[363] and (1786) in his whole modern school on to Abu al Khayr al Suwaydi (+ 1200/1786 in his commentary on the “Salawat al Mashishiyah”, where it served for the diagram of the “qab qawsayn”.[364]

This obscure verse of the Quran (II,262), so painstakingly elite dated by al Baqli, is also the subject of an allegory in book V, § I Jalal al Din al Rūmi's "Mathnawi ma`nawi" (-F-673/1273)[365]

This famous quatrain (in "Bash"), in translation, reads thus : saw my Lord with the eye of my heart,-and said to Him: "who a Thou?"="Yourself!" - It is true, in Thee the "where" goes astray,-the "where" does not exsist with regard to Thee! - For the imagination there is no image of Thy duration which would show "where" Thou art. - Thou art the One who encompasses every "where", onto the "non-where"; "where" then couldst Thou be?"

This quatrain, which in al Hallāj's thought intends to demonstrate that the understanding is incapable of forming any image of the divine presence as it is experienced by the soul, alludes to a hadith beginning with "Raaytu Rabbi bi 'ayni wa bi qalbi" which Muslim Ibn al Hajjaj quotes in his "Sahih".[366] The four verses, attenuated and watered down, are found in a piece of eight verses which the "Account of It Khafif"[367] ascribes to al Hallāj. They are partially quoted by 'Abd al Ghani al Nābulusi (+1143/1731)[368] according to Daud al Oa: sari's extract (+751/1350).[369]

Resuming the theme in a section of his "Tafsir a! Quran"[370] ( Ibn I 'Arab by the changes he made, pointed out strongly the distant that divides his monism from the Hallājian doctrine :

"I saw my Lord with the eye (=essence) of my Lord. He said t me : "who are you?" And I answered Him : "Thyself!".

Dawn al lawh : Having reached there, man is in consequence absolutely free. Cf. Abū Bakr al Qahtabi's words : "God has free us from the slavery of the things since pre-eternity";[372] and "the spirit" (al rah) has not to endure the shame of (the Creator's) "Be"! (It is therefore uncreated).[373] Al Hallāj, speaking of man's creation, says: "God has given him a surah freed from the shame of the "Be"!.[374]

On the mim and awha cf. al Hahelāj (in Sulami Tafsir, Qur. X11 I), the Nusayris (l.c.f° 47 a, l0b) and al Junayd (I.c. above, p. 158).

"Min zanid al 'awrah": I do not know what this phrase ma; mean. Is it : "He who strikes from his tinder-box (?) the spark o dawn (?)." Al Baqli has passed over this part of the sentence in his commentary, perhaps on purpose.

"In order to penetrate the "tawhid"[376], the first step to do is to renounce entirely the "tafrid"!"

And as regards the "tajrid", al Hallāj writes it must equally be renounced when knowledge of the essence of the "tawhid" is aimed at[377] "Tafrid" may be defined as that negative simplification of the "I" by way of eliminating all foreign elements from it in a complete isolation from every thing, as that "internal" asceticism which is only a preparatory stage leading to the endosmosis of the full divine Unity into the "shell" that has been emptied of the human "I".

"Tafrid" is not be confused with "ifrad";[378] the Hallājian vocabulary applies "ifrad" or "isolation" not to the creature, but to the Creator : "ifrad al Wahid ... ", "the isolation of the One", i.e. of the divine essence[379] : "ifrad al qidam . . .", "the isolation of the Absolute" from the contingencies.[380]

"Tajrid means life "in seclusion", with the same sense of preparatory asceticism as "tafrid".

…whereas I have been summoned a thousand times to prostrate myself; I did not prostrate myself…" There is here a formal divergency between the "Tawāsin" and the teaching of the Sāheimiyah, according to whom Ibheis refused only once, and "prostrated himself when he was invited the second time".[381] This same discreet hope for God's mercy was expressed by Sahl al Tustari, the master of the founder of the Sālimiyah, in his curious "conversation with Iblis" where Iblis forces him to admit that God remains always free to rescind the verdict He has pronounced Himself, and to withdraw an enternal damnation.[382]

These words allude to a theory of al Hallāj : the superiority of meditative prayer (fikr) over recited prayer (dhikr). This theory has been disapproved by the majority of the Safis[383] inspite of Fāris who has preserved the following two beautiful verses of al Hallāj :

انت المولہ لا الذکر و لہنی حاشی لقلبی ان یعلق بہ ذکری

الذکر واسط یحجبک عن نظری اذ توشحہ من خاطری فکری

It appears that the comparison between al Hallāj's "Ana a! Haqq" and the “Ana khayr minhu” of Iblis made in his life-time, for Ibrahim ibn Shaybān (+303/915), when asked about al Hallāj's preaching, answered comparing his "da'wa" with that of Iblis.[384]

It is noteworthy enough that the argument brought up here, namely the "futawah",[385] had already been mentioned and refuted by al Tirmidhi (+285/898) in these terms[386] regarding Fir'awn:

"لیس من الفتوۃ ذکر الضایع و تردادہ علی من اصطنعت اللہ، الا تری الی فرعون لما لم یکن لہ فتوۃ کیف ذکر ضیعہ و اتریہ علی موسی"

Satan's "fall", - this curious Jewish-Christian tradition which found its way into the Quran, has since early days preoccupied the theologicahe thinking of Isheam. It was felt shocking to think that God had damned him just for having made himself the irreducible champion of God's inalienable unity, which is the fundamental dogma of Islam. And the strange fact that God ordered the angels to worship "another than God",[387] led to the conclusion that God's will is arbitrary and unforeseeable, that on His part "makr" is always possible,[388] and that man must obey Him without trying to under-stand. For, according to the verse of Sūfi Abū Sa'id al Kharrāz ( +286/899) :

لو کان یرضیہ شئ من بریتہ، لکان ابلیس فی غایۃ ادلال[389]

For "if anything could find His pleasures in the! deeds of his creatures,-the act of Iblis would certainly have moved Him to leniency!".[390] Yet this argument appeared to many an avowal of bare weakness, and so, stimulated also by the Christian contribution to the problem,[391] of Satan's "fall", it brought forward other explanations. There had to be "something divine" in Adam wherefore God had proposed him to the angels for adoration and had fixed a legitimate sanction against the rebel who would refuse it. It is Bayān ibn Sam'ān's[392] theory of the "juz ilahi", a rough draft of al Hallāj's conception of the "Huwa huwa", which seems to have been very close to the theories of the other contemporary Sufis, to that of the Hulmāniyah for example which we know only through a fairly poor attempt at refutation by al Baghdādi.[393] Adam had to be worshiped because he was created as the particular, real, living and speaking image of the divine splendour. And it is only because pride had dimmed his sight that Iblis denied what was evident. The con-temporary Sufis Abū Bakr al Wāsiti (+ 320/932), Ibn 'A tā (+309/922), Abū 'Uthmān al Maghribi (+373/983) and 'Abd at Rahim al Qannād[394] were unanimous about it.

Before Sufi thought had taken up this problem, the "fall of Ibis" had already preoccupied the theologians of the Khārijiya and of the Mu'ttzilah. They worried as much repelling the attacks of the Zanādiqah like Bashshār ibn Burd[395] as giving the matter a full theoretical treatment. Yunus al Samarri, a Khārijite,[396] sustaining against the Murjites that faith was not simple knowledge of the "tawhid" and that without adherence of the heart and without worksit remained insufficient, declared somewhat paradoxically that Iblis was at one and the same time a "muwahhid" and a "kafir" (i.e. the contrary of a "mumin").

Likewise, according to the Mu'tazilites, Iblis (and Fir'awn), inspite of being "muwahhidin", were damned as 'fasiqin", which sounds little better than "kāfirin".[397] The Sālimiyah, on their side, accused[398] the Murjites of being unable to explain[399] the damnation of Iblis. In the Murjite view indeed, the knowledge of the one God means essentially to be a believer; which is sufficient for salvation. Nothing certainly shows better than Iblis' damnation how weak the "Murjism" of the majority of the doctors of Islam is from the logical point of view and how - intentionally- poor their concept is of the pre-eminence of faith which they mainly consider an adherence of the understanding alone, to the one God.

The "iymān Fir'awn", i.e. the question whether the "Pharao's" conversion in extremis, as reported in the book of the Exodus, was sincere is one of the most controvertial issues in Isheam. The respective texts of the Qurān allow a good deal of freedom in the interpretations.[400] Besides it would be hard to explain why the Quranic discussions made such an unexpected stir, if the question did not mark one of those areas where the monistic philosophy of the Sufi "zanādiqah" had at heart to demonstrate the legitimacy of its claims to orthodoxy.

It is God who spoke through Fir'awn's mouth, Ibn al'Arabi declares in his Futuhāt,[401] and it is quite clear - inspite of Sha-'rāwi's statement[402] - that in his Fusus[403] he was even more outspoken on the "sanctity" of Fir 'awn.

And at Daūwāni (+907/1501), a mystic and theologian, wrote a whole treatise which was widely spread in the libraries of Turkey : Risalah f i iymān Fir'awn.

A passage[405] of Abū Bakr al Wāsiti (+320/932), the auhor of Hā Mim al Qidam, sketches a theory similar to that of at Hallāj in "Ta-Sin-al Azal":

"Fir 'awn at least laid claim to Divinity so that it might be seen openly ..." (contrary to the Mu'tazilites : qadar).

It is here not the place to expand upon the question whether the word was really pronounced by al Hallāj and on what occasion : whether it was before at Junayd, as it is reported by al Baghdādi ("Farq", 247), and al Harawi ("Tabaqat" . . . cf. 1059-a-21°), or before Shibli, as suggested by a parallehe account of the grammarian Abū 'Ali al Fasawi (+377/987) (in "Risālah" of Ibn at Qārih al Halabi). What matters is that al Hallāj 's ecstatic doctrine was summarized in this word in the eyes of the later generations.

There is no point thinking here of the 11th of the 99 names of God as given in Ibn Mājah's[407] traditional list, i.e. of one of the real attributes of God, considered from the angle of "truth".[408] The meaning is that of the pure creative essence, of God's absolute simplicity.[409] Answering a question, al Hallāj made it clear:

"من ھذا الحق الذی تشیرون الیہ؟ قال معل الانام و الا یعتل"

It is noteworthy that this term "al Haqq" spread among the Sūfis of the third century after the Hijra in the sense of "al Bāri", the Creator,[411] i.e. at a time when the Mu'tazilite's drive for adaptation of the Greek forms of thought was at a climax. The Plotinian works, being translated at that time, popularized the idea that the name "al Haqq" must be applied to the Creator[412] for reasons which in the following century[413] were summed up by Abū Nasr ah Fārābi in terms which mean that the Neo-platonic thought was become tinged with those shades which were probably due to Hallājian influence.

"Ana al Haqq"[414] : i.e. "I am the creative Truth",[415] - this is the supreme expression of sanctity, according to al Hallāj's doctrine.[416] It is the shout of him whose consciousness makes him discover that he is "deified" by the Spirit of the Verb (Rūh Nātiqah), that he has become the "Hūwa hflwa" - the "shāhid al and" - the Witness whom God has appointed as His representative in front of all the creation, - as the privileged creature that actually symbolizes God "from the inside to the outside" by its radiance, and of which the other creatures, following al Hallāj's own words, are but images and mirrors :

الصوفی۔۔۔ھو المشیر عن اللہ تعالی، فان الخلق اشاروا الی اللہ[417]

"The Sufi points to God from the inside,[418] - whereas (the remaining) creation points to God at the outside."

A series of Hallājian texts[419] describe the stages of this gradual transformation where asceticism joins with grace by which the human personality is established as a "divinized personal being." The "unification" of the "I" by way of asceticism introduces the human being to a sort of real "endosmosis" of the divine essence.[420] It is difficult not to see in this the "hulul", that "incarnation" of the Creator in the creature, that "intrusion" of the Absolute into the contingent which the Islamic orthodoxy has ever since rejected, by arguments of pure logic as well as by tradition.

Apart from Fāris ibn 'Isa al Dinawari and the Sālimiyah, none of the Sūfis dared to teach the unmingled pure doctrine of the master for which he had incurred the death sentence. Explanations in great number later proved, or rather profusely attempted to prove, that al Hallāj could not have been a "hululi".

The union of the divine and the human nature (lahut and nāsut), being a proscribed proposition, it was held that at the moment the Sufi pronounces similar words, his personality is annihilated, evaporated, as it were, and God alone speaks through his mouth. This is thethesis sustained by the tayfuri, Khurqāni[421] (+426/1034), a faithful disciple of Abū Yazid al Bistāmi (+261/875). This indeed is quite the Idea al Bistāmi allegedly wanted to express with his famous „Subhāni! Praise be to Me!” But, inspite of the fact that the whole later Sūfi tradition gave up the "hululi" explanation and assimilated the "Ana al Haqq" of al Hallaj to al Bistāmi's ''Subhāni", this assimilation is undoubtedly arbitrary. Al Hallāj himself condemned al Bistāmi 's Subhāni! Praise be to Me!" in these terms:[422]

"مسکین ابو یزید! در بدایت نطق بوذ ناطق بوذ از جھت حق بوذ محجوب با یزید دران میان بندارد [کہ] عارف از حق شنوذ، بایزید نہ بیند و از ان انکار نکند و آنرا بسیار نہ بیند"

"Poor Abu Yazid! He only was beginning to learn how to speak! (He was but a beginner) since (he was speaking) from God's point of view. The ignorant one! He was believing in Abu Yazid's[423] existence in this, whereas the Sage understands this word as related to God; he loses sight of Abu Yazid without having in mind to deny him nor to exalt him!" i.e. with al Bistāmi the union with God was not yet established, it had not yet that transforming power which makes of my "Ana" (I), the "Hūwa" (He) of God, at every instant and in each one of my words !

Al Khurqāni's explanation, developed by al Harawi (-¨-481/1088)[424] prevailed nonetheless within the Sūfi circles, whereas the uninitiated were going to be familiarised with al Ghazāli's theory of the illusion of love which intoxicates the mystic and makes him believe, wrongly, that he has been fused with his Beloved One. It is impossible to summarize here the various theories on the "Ana al Haqq" with all their shades such as they were set forth by : al Qazwini (+488/1095),[425] al Shahrazūri (VI/XIIIth century),[426] al Baqli.[427] 'Umar al Suhrawardi (;-632/1234),[428] 'Attār (+620/1223),[429] Majid al Din al Baghdādi (+616/1219)[430] 'In al Din al Maqdisi (+660/1262),[431] Jalāl al Din al Rūmi (+672/1273),[432] 'Afif al Din al Tilimsāni (+690/1291),[433] Nur al Din al Kasirqi (+690/1291),[434] Ibn Taymiyah (+72/he328),[435] 'Alā al Dawlah al Samnāni (+736/13361,[436] Nasir al Din al Tūsi (+672/1273),[437] Ahmad al Rūmi (+717/1317),[438] Mahmūd al Shābistāri (+720/1320).[439] al Bukhari (+740/1340),[440] al Jildaki (-F-743/ 13421,[441] Ibn Khaldūn (4 808/1406),[442] Hāfiz (4-791/1388),[443] al Nasimi (+820/1417),[444] Jāmi (+898/1492),[445] al Qāri (+1014/1605),[446] al Sayyid al Murtada (+1205/1790),[447] Hamzah Fānsūri of Sumatra.[448] We are going to give here a summary of only three theological theories on the "Ana al Haqq", but of those whose importance is exceptional: those of al Ghāzāli (+5051 1111), of 'Abd al Qādir al Kilani (+561/1166), and of Ibn'I 'Arabi (+638/1240).

It bears the stamp of the two contradictory influences which had impressed upon Ghazali's intellectual formation : at first his studies of the Ash'arite scholasticism under al Juwayni, then the research in experimental mysticism under al Gurgāni's disciple al Fārmadhi, which he undertook after a thorough study of the mystical theology of the Sālimiyah. As a staunch supporter of orthodox "Sifatia" theollogy, al Ghazāli speaks at first[449] of the reflexion which the splendour of this or that name, of this or that "veil of light" of the divinity produces in the heart of the mystic. It is so bright that the mystic is dazzled and in his illusion cries out: "Ana al Haqq". And al Ghazāli declares[450] that it can only be an illusion, - dangerous if it is pro pagated, - an exaggeration of the drunkenness with love, for there can be no real "transfer", no real "transfusion" of the divine essence, or even only of one of its attributes, to the human nature of the mystic But then, at the end of his life, - in his "Mishkat al Anwar", - he does not mention anymore the divine attributes as really distinct, and he discovers that the essential Being is the "true Light" and that the name of "Truth" (Haqq) designates only the pure divine essence, exclusively, fully.[451] And he realizes that the exclusive vision of this divine essence exclusively, fully. 451 And he realizes that the exclusive vision of this divine essence into which the mystic plunges with the shout "Ana al Haqq" is the supreme stage, the absolute "fardāniyah"[452]

The Saintly founder of the Qadiriyah order, great Hanbalite preacher and patron Wali of Baghdād, reconciled respect for the judges' verdict with admiration for al Hallāj[453] in this way:

"طار طاہر عقل بعض العارفین من ذکر شجرۃ صورتہ، و علی الی السماء خارقا صفوف الملائکۃ، کان بازیا من بزاۃ الملک بخیط العینین بخیط و خلق الانسان ضعیفا" () فلم یجد فی السماء مایحاول من الصید، فلما لاحت لہ فریسہ "رایت رمی" ازداد تحیرۃ فی قول مطلوبہ "فاینما تولوافتم وجہ اللہ" ()، عاد ھابطا الی حفیرۃ خطۃ الارض لمکسب ما ھو اعزمن وجود النار فی قعور البحار، تلفت بعین عقلہ فما شاہد سوی الاثار فکر فلم یجد فی الداربن مطلوبا سوی محبوبہ، فطوب فقال بلسان سکر قلبہ "انا الحق" ترنم بلحن غیر معہود من البشر، صفر وی روضۃ الوجود صفیرا لایلیق لبنی آدم، لحن بصوتہ لحنا عرضہ لحتفہ، و نودی فی سرہ "یا حلاج اعتقدت ان قوتک و حولک بک؟ قل الان نبابۃ عن جمع العارفین "حسب الواجد افراد الواحد!" قل "یا محمد! انت سلطان الحقیقۃ! انت انسان عین الوجود! علی عتبۃ باب معرفتک تخصع اعناق العارفین، فی حمی جلالتک نوضع جباہ الخلائق اجمعین!"

Once upon a time "the reason of one of the Sages flew away, out of the nest on the tree[454] of the body, and rose up to heaven, - where it joined the Angels. But it was only a falcon from among the falcons of the world. His eyes were hooded with the hood "Man has been created weak." Now this bird did not find anything in heaven which he could hunt for, but suddenly he saw the prey "I have seen my Lord"[455] shine before him, and his dazzle grew when he heard his Purpose say to him : "Wherever you turn your faces, you will have God in front of you. Gliding down, the falcon then came back to put in safety on earth what he had taken, - a treasure more precious than fire in the depths of the oceans; - but he turned and turned in vain the eye of his reason, -he, only saw the traces (of the divine dazzlement). So he returned, but could not find, throughout the two worlds, any other purpose than his Beloyed One! Joy roused him and he cried out "Ana al Haqq", I am the Truth ! expressing thus the drunkenness of his heart. He intoned his forbidden to the creatures, he chirped from joy in the song in a way Garden of Existence, but such chirping was unsuitable to the sons of Adam. His voice struck up a melody that made him liable to die. And in the secret of his conscience he heard ring these words: "Oh Hallaj, did you believe that your power and your will depended only on you? Declare now on behalf of all Sages: the purpose of the ecstatic is to isolate (ifrad) the unique one perfectly! Say:[456] Oh Muhammad you are the proof of the reality! You arc the very man of the essence of existence![457] On the threshold of your Wisdom the Sages bow their necks! Under the protect ion of your Majesty the creatures all together bend their heads!"

On another occasion when al Kilani was asked why the same word "Ana" (I) had earned such difference in treatment to Iblis who was damned, and to al Hallāj who became a saint, he declared: It is because at Hallaj, when he uttered it, intended only the annihilation fanā) of his "I" . . . whereas Iblis, when he pronounced it, intended only survival (baqa) of his "I'.[458]

It springs from the monistic interpretation which is already so plain in the famous Qasidah put by the poet Abu al Hasan 'Ali al Musaffar (+after 600/1203)[459] into the mouth of al Hallāj[460] after he had been executed:

(verse 1) قل لاخوان رآونی میتا ٭ فبکونی اذ رآونی حزنا

(verse 2) اتظنون بانی میتکم ٭ لست ذاک المیت و اللہ انا!۔ ۔ ۔

[461] (verse 6) فاھدموا البیت فرضو قفصی ٭ و ذروا لکل دفینا بیننا ۔ ۔ ۔ ۔

(verse 7)و قمیصی مزقوہ رمما ٭ و ذروا الطلسم بعدی و ثنا ۔ ۔ ۔

Ibn'l Arabi formulates his theory in his Fusus al Hikani.[462] It is an application of his theory of imagination; the images which man creates in his dreams, have a real existence, exterior to his thought, when this man is a Sage ('arif ). since his will remains in a continuous adherence - in God - to that creative force which is the divine imagination. Yet, whereas the divine thought cannot forget any detail of its Creation, the thought of the Sage, whose memories are divided into five distinct planes[463], forgets necessarily some of them, so that the affirmation of the Sage "Ana al Haqq" is only partly correct, since he has not the whole creation present to his mind at one and the same time.

One may wonder why it is here supposed that God can be aware of His divinity and affirm it to Himself only by thinking the totality of His creation. It is because according to Ibn l'Arabi "creator" and "creation" are two terms united in a necessary relationship. Ibn Taymiyah, his adversary, observed it well : "Ibn l'Arabi claims ... that the existence of the contingent creatures is the essence of the Creator's existence:

"ان وجود المحدثات المخلوقات ھو عین وجود الخالق"[464]

This is how Ibn l'Arabi refutes al Hallāj's "Ana al Haqq", "I al the Truth (=God)!" as follows:

"No, I am the mystery[465] of al Haqq, - I am not al Haqq i Rather: I am Haqq[466]; - there is a difference between the two of us. I am God's essence in the things! What then is there visible' in the creation if not the essence of both of us?"

انا سر الحق ماالحق انا ٭ بل انا حق ففرق بیننا

اناعین اللہ فی الاشیاء فھل ٭ ظاھر فی الکون الا عیننا

'Azazil : This name is of Hebrew origin and designates in the Old Testament[467] the "scapegoat" loaded with Israel's sins. In the "Book of Henoch"[468] it becomes synonymous with Satan and Thus. In Muslim tradition it serves as the general name of the Angels who are "nearest" to God.

We had attempted a translation of this complicated passage in Revue de 1 `Histoire des Religions[469] before the discovery of al Baqli's recension. As was seen, the latter, even though thoroughly different from our first text, made it possible for us to improve both reading and metrical scanning. The two recensions are too divergent to allow any common translation. Besides, the above translated[470] commentary of al Baqli carries the "gamut of tints" of the words of the second recension, if not their literal meaning. With regard to the first one, we would today suggest the following translation:

31. - "Iblis' attempted move to withdraw (from the presence of God) was in reality thwarted by God's rigid immobility which kept . him-bound. Iblis remains exposed to the twofold glow of his bivouac fire-place and of the clarity of divine knowledge.

32. - Drought sucks the sterile soil of the stagnant waters, his eye is swollen with tears that dry up immediately in a circle, the "sharham" of his gaze keeps it fixed and immobile, his alleged wild beasts are but the scarecrows with which he has tried to ward off the wild beasts, and if he does not see any longer, it is because he has blinded himself by his own fault and has entangled himself in his own deceits !".[471]

This exclamation : "Oh brother!" is also found in the contemporary esoteric initiation literature, as that of the Druze[472] and that of the "lkhwān al Safa".[473]

Following, like the Mu'tazila, (compare Hujwiri, Kashf . . ., 239), the Christian theory, al Hallāj admits the superiority of the angelic nature over that of man. In the orthodoxy the idea prevailed that the angels do not have the "knowledge of the names" which Adam was given (cf. already in Ibn 'Ali, in al Sulami Tafsir on Qur. VII, 11).

The term "mashiyah" is here the equivalent of "irādah"[474] and of "qadā"[475] : it signifies "divine will", in the meaning of„decree” of the divine prescience, of predetermination of the good or aptart from the Sufi circles, seems to be Christian origin.[476]

The series of the four created "dawāyr" that encircle the divine essence, i.e. "mashiyah, hikmah, qudrah and malumah (azaliyah)" are close to two similar enumerations which are found in two fragments of other works of al Hallāj.[477]

"Fi hi" and "`an hu": opposite terms familiar to al Hallāj, the former meaning "al jam", the latter "al ihtijab" (cf, al Sulami's Tafsir on LI, 21 (at the end).

This passage is of capital importance for the Hallājian doctrine[478]: "The pronoun of the "tawhid" (is it the word "hūwā" in

,a>'I Ll Ji Qur. CXII, 1?) represents any variable subject, i.e. not _pa God, but the saint who bears witness to Him. The tawhid then does

not consist in the subject of this pronoun, but it is on the contrary the very sign of the pronominal expression, its "h" : ah ! If you cry "alas", the echo answers "al !" It is thus that God rouses (through "hulul") the "huwa" in us". This is a deduction strictly proper to the Hallājian theory of the "huwa huwa" (cf. p. 130), and 'Umar al Suhrawardi, who knew it, condemns it in connection with the significance he gives to the "Ana al Haqq"[479]:

"۔۔۔۔انہ یقول ذلک۔۔۔ علی معنی الحکایۃ عن اللہ تعالی۔۔۔ و لو علمنا انہ ذکر القول مضمر الشئ من الحلول و رددناہ"۔

This passage can be compared with c-11 here above: it shows the same procedure of grammatical analysis applied to mysticism.

The reasoning displayed in this very subtle dialectical passage is closely related to the argumentation found further on in k-3° - 13°, 8° The matter is here to drive the "tanzih" to its extreme limits by showing that none of the known definitions of the "tawhid" (dogma of the divine unity) is acceptable. A sentence of Abū 'Ali al Husayn ibn Ahmad al katib al Misri (+after 340/951), a friend of the Hallājian Qādi Abū Bakr al Misri, clearly shows in how far the "tanzih" of the Sūfis differs from that of the Mu'tazilites :

المعتزلہ نزھو اللہ من حیث العقل فاخطؤوا، و الصوفیۃ نزھو اللہ من حیث العلم فاصابوا۔[480]

"The Mu'tazilites have driven the "tanzih" to the extreme of "withdrawing "from God"[481] the intellect[482], - in which they have committed a sin; - the Sufiyah have driven it to the extreme of withdrawing from God the knowledge[483], - in which they have been true Here is a tentative translation of these paragraphs:

7. - "If, in order to define the one God. I say: "It is He, He"[484] will be told : This is not "Tawhid".[485]

8. - And if I say: "But the "tawhid" of God is positively sure!" I will be told:[486] "Positively!".

9. - If I say : The "tawhid" means affirming God outside time[487]., I will be told : Does "tawhid" therefore mean "tashbih"[488],) So, if no "comparison" is admissible to say what God is, - then the "tawhid" (according to you) is nothing further but a word without any relationship to the God whom it has for its aim. Nor with any relationship either to the created things (since you put Him "outside time"!)…

10. - If I say : "The "tawhid" is the word of God" (kalam), I will be told : "So, is the "kalam" an attribute of the essence"?[489]

11. - If I say : "The "tawhid" states that God wants to be one" it will be objected: "all right! If the divine will (iradah) is an "attribute of the essence", how is it that its volitions (inuradāt) are created?"[490],

12. - If I say : "God is the "tawhid"! but only for the divine essence", - (I will be told) : is then the divine essence the "tawhid"?

13. - If I answer : "No, the "tawhid" is not the divine essence!" -then do I (not) pretend that the "tawhid" is created?

14. - If I say : "Name and what is named are one and the same", -then what can the word "tawhid" still mean?[491]

15. - And if I declare[492]: "(The tawhid" means that) "God is God", - do I (not) say that God is "the essence of the essence" and that "it is He, He"?[493]

Elsewhere[494], al Hallaj explains why one cannot say of God's pure essence : "it is He, He!" :

"قیل للحسین (بن منصور) ا ھوھو؟ قال بل! ھو ورآء کل ھو و ھو عبارۃ عن ملک مالا یثبت لہ شی دونہ"

Al Husayn (ibn Mansur) was asked (in connection with the "tawhid" : "is it He, He? - No! God is beyond every "He"! For "he" is an expression indicating simply[495] a (limited) thing of which it is thus asserted that it possesses nothing but itself.[496]

II. - In his `aqidah' which al Qushayri put at the beginning of the first chapter of his "Risaldh"[497], at Hallaj once again points out the logical insufficiency of the name "ھو" as applied to God : و ان قلت ھو فالہاء و الواقعہ "If you say (of God):"He!" (Huwa), the two letters (ha and waw) of which this word is composed, are but of his creation…[498]" This same argument figures also in the 'aqidah which is found at the beginning of his Kitab Nafi al Tashbih.[499]

On the "tanzih at tawhid" al Sulami has preserved in his "Tafsir" (on Qur. LVII, 3,5) fragments of al Hallaj which carry the same doctrine as this "Ta Sin".

This strange figure is composed; of two numerical formulas with twice the letter "ha" (explained in the next paragraph), and thrice thesyllable "la" ("No!") written below. I have not been able to elucidate these two formulas : I think they are numerical, for the signs they carry, manifestly come from the Arabic notation, especially in the second formula which can easily be transcribed like this : 9/5 59,182. But what is the. kind of arithmetical operation which the mathematicians of those days used to represent in this way ? I do not know, and I also do not see how it could symbolize[500] the "fikr al khāss" in opposition to the first formula which is the symbol of the 'fikr al `amm".

The two formulas are nonetheless very interesting, for they seem to have given origin, very rationally, to certain groups of signs which the later Süfls continued copying without understanding them, and which in the end they used as a cabalistic talisman, while in fact they were the remains of a secret alphabet[501] which I have been unable to decipher. A group of tea similar formulas are among others found at the end[502] of a manuscript[503] of Ibn l`Arabi's "Kitab al Qutb wa al Imāmayn wa al Mudalajayn" where they play the role of talismans. They should not be confused with other symbols, far more common, which the later Süfls[504] borrowed from the astrological symbols of the seven planets.[505]

The fundamental proposition of this "Ta Sin", namely the idea that Wisdom, the only adequate knowledge of the divine essence, can only be by "infusion" from God Himself, with a wholly divine operation which "deifies" man in some manner[506], is categorically_ summarized in three Hallājian fragments preserved by al Kalabadhi:[507]

"لا یعرفہ الا من تعرف الیہ، و لا یوحدہ الا من توحد لہ، و لا یومن بہ الا من لطف لہ، و لا یصفہ الا من تجلی سرہ"

"Nobody knows Him, if He has not given him wisdom; - nobody professes Him as the real One, if He has not unified him; nobody believes in Him, if He does not grant him the grace; - nobody describes Him, if His radiance has not shone upon the most secret aspect of his conscience."

"ان اللہ عرفنتا نفسہ بنفسہ، و دلنا علی معرفہ نفسہ بنفسہ، فقام شاھد ۔ المعرفۃ بالمعرفۃ، بعد تعریفہ المعرف بہا"۔

"It is God Himself who makes Himself known to us by Himself,- it is through Himself that we are led to the knowledge of Himself,- and it is He who within the Wisdom remains the Witness of the Wisdom, after He has made it known to the one whom He has made a Sage."

"المعرفۃ احضار السر بصنوف الفکر، فی مراعاۃ مواجید الاذکار، علی حسب توالی اعلام الکشوف"

"Wiedom' ! It means the gradual introduction of the most intimate conscience into the categories of thought[508] with the help of the inner illuminations that result from the ritual prayers,- .following the unint errupted progress in teaching the successive revelations".

3° He who says: "I know God because I stand in need of Him (= because I desire Him)!"- How can he, who says he is in need, know Him who IS in fulness? - 4 He who says: "I know Him because exist! " An absolute cannot co-exist with another absolute! - 5° He who says: "I know Him, since He is unknown to me !"- Agnosticisfi is all a veil, - Wisdom dwells behind these idle veils,- 6° He who says: "I know Him by His Name!" The name cannot be separated from what is named, when this is uncreated ... 7° He who says: "I know Him by Himself!" - This means splitting into two the object one pretends to know... - 8° He who says : "I know Him by His work!" This means to be satisfied with the work without caring for its creator - 9° He who says: "I know Him by the very imperfection of my apperception of Him !" If it is imperfect, it is intermittent, and how can an intermittent knowledge comprehend its whole object? - 10° He who says : "As He has taught me, so I know Him! This is (discursive knowledge),- it means coming back to prescience; but prescience is distinct from essence[509]; if therefore it differs from it, how can there be comprehension? - II° He who says "I know Him as He has described Himself! This means being satisfied with the Tradition, without any direct contact .-12° He who says: "I know Him by twofold definitions"! But the object one seeks: to know, is unique (simple),- it does not admit of any localisation nor division into parts.- 13° He who says: "The known Object knows Itself! "This means to confess that the Sage remains conditioned by the fact of his very difference (with his object), whereas the object (at the same time subject and object) keeps knowing Itself in Itself!- 18° He who says: "I know Him in His reality!" In saying so, he puts his own "being" higher than the Being he claims to know,- for he who knows a thing in its reality, exceeds it in potentiality. as he knows it."

This hard pressing dialectic thus destroys a certain number of propositions famous in those days. The sixth article has, as its target, the Hanbalite thesis of God's identity with his names as revealed in the Quran.[510] It clears the ground for the belief in the "ineffable name" (ism a'zam). The seventh article destroys the hypothesis that "Huwa" can be a name of God, and prepares for the doctrine of the "Huwa Huwa". The eighth is an applicatian of the "tanzih" (cf. above, p. 103). The nineth is directed against a proposition traditionally ascribed to the caliph Abu Bakr[511] and prepares the condemnation of relativism (follow‑

ing article). The tenth is analyzed further on. The eleventh pleads for mystical experimentation against the traditional formalism of the schools (cf. al Hallaj's discussion with al Nahrjuri in Mecca[512] The twelveth denounces the insufficiency and the purely negative character of Abu Said al Kharrāz's[513] contemporary theory that "God could be defined as being the only object of knowledge that unites simultaneously two contradictory aspects (diddayn): "first, last, hidden, manifest ..". The thirteenth concludes on the necessity for the "subject to be consummated in its object" so that there may be perfect knowledge, without solving the objection of "hulul" and "imtizāj".

"Prescience leaves the essence aside". Convinced of the relativism of the sciences, al Hallaj clearly takes the position of superiority of the Wisdom (ma'rifa=gnosis) over discursive knowledge ('ilm). Other Sufis of his tend "pmafr fa'. For, because use of the "scriptural" and antinomy "textual" ilm" the word "'ilm" embraces at the same time character of Islam[514], the totality of objective rational knowledge and the prescriptions of the Law, the written form of the Quran which according to the pure Sunni doctrine is the essence of religion. This is why the more Spurude among the Sufis, unlike al 298/910) the superiority of Halilrn” over P maerifah"[515]:

قال الجنید "العلم ارفع من المعرفۃ و اتم و اشمل و اکمل، تسمی اللہ بالعلم و لم تسمی بالمعرفۃ، و قال "و الذین اؤتو العلم درجات ثم لما خاطب النبی صلعم خاطبہ باتم الاوصاف و اکملھا و شمالہا للخیرات فقال "فاعلم انہ لا الہ الا اللہ " و لم یقال "فاعرف" لان الانسان قد یعرف الشئ ولا تحیط بہ علما، و اذا علمہ و احاط بہ علما فقد عرفہ"

Al Hallaj's solution was a consequence of his attitude in the controversy on "'aql", reason. Al Kalābadhi, disciple of the Hallājian Faris ibn 'Isa, speaking of the common opinion of his masters on reason, says it can be summed up with the word of Ibn 'Ata, the friend of al Hallāj[516]:

قال ابن عطا "العقل آلۃ للعبودیۃ ٭ لا للاشراق علی الربوبیۃ"

"Reason is the tool of our serving condition as creatures,- it does not illuminate what is divine." As a result, what happens when our reason attempts to penetrate the divine essence, a thing for which it is not meant? Sahl al Tustari (+283/896), al Hallaj's first master, had already explained it in vigorous terms[517]:

"ھو العافیۃ سعرۃ، ان العقل اذا لم یصرف فی ذات اللہ صار اعدا عدوا اللہ عزوجل"

"Reason means good health (of the spirit), but it is also able to make it ill! (How?) Yes, because once reason realizes that it cannot change itself into the divine essence, it becomes hateful and starts hating God…" The same is said by al Hallaj in the two often cited verses[518]:

"He who, in his search for God, takes Reason as his guide,- will find himself "left grazing"[519] in a perplexity wherein he has to take delight. In the depth of his conscience ambiguity troubles him,- and dazzled, he finally wonders: "is it He?"‑

Only two centuries later the monistic Sufis, on account of their eclecticism, would combine the Greek conception of the primacy of Reason ('aql) with the data the Sufis had experimentally established about the Spirit (rah). Elsewhere[520], al Hallāj curiously proceeds by Way of elimination in order to clear the idea of "ma'rifa" of any idea of knowledge (`ilm): all branches of knowledge amount to the knowedge of the Qur'an which, in its turn, amounts to the knowledge o the separate letters[521],- which again amounts to the knowledge of "Lam-alif" (the absolute negation "No!")-which amounts to the know, ledge of the Primordial Point (al nuqta al asliya),- which amounts to the Wisdom (Ma`rifa), knowledge of the "mashiya",- which resides 14 the abyss of the divine "He".

This theory of the nuqta asliya is remarkable,- for it coincides with the "nekuda rishuna", "primordial point"of the Jewish Cabbalas[522] and the "kha" of the Sanscrit philosophers whom at Biruni' studled.[523]

Qalb: the heart.- In mystical language this word combines two data: one material, the visceral "lump of flesh", as al Hallaj says here (mudgha jawfaniya),- and the other supernatural, the "point of impact of the divine gaze" (mawd`i nazar al Haqq)[524]. Following the Sufis, the heart of flesh, the regulating organ which records the variations of our general organic condition (and equilibrates, as we know, the rhythm of the blood circulation which keeps life temperature constant),-this hollow insensitive muscle is also the organ of our contemplation; and at the time of ecstasy, the divine impact takes a direct hold of the life pulsation (slackening of the heart throb). It is most note-worthy that in the Arab literature which places emotional repercussions generally in the liver or the bile,-the mystical authors alone have been speaking of the heart. Their "experimental knowledge of the hearts", "ilm al qulub[525], has thus been built on dialectical premises which had been laid down by various Mu`tazilites: Abul Hudhayl (farq, 110), Ibn Hāyit (farq, 256), Ashwāri and Futi; and by Ibn at Rawandi (cf. shāmil, Ms. Quoted, f°14a).

This passage which describes the final state of the Sage in terms intended to remain obscure, must be brought together with e-35°-39. But this time we are missing the help of the commentary. The word ".Aii recalls al Shibli's ".asli939 (aa J 1,~ „,>I; L:j..,"[526] "He who finds his joy in the `tawhid', is a loser". XI-23°.

"Wisdom has its likeness only in Itself,-God has His likeness only in Himself,- and yet there is likeness between Wisdom and God, between God and Wisdom Wisdom is not God, God is not Wisdom,-and yet there is of God but Wisdom, and of Wisdom but God,- there is of Wisdom but God! There is of God but God! This passage where al Hallaj affirms the identity, in the ultimate approach, between Wisdom and God,-seems to be composed for "dhikr" recitation (litany)[527] "Lā Huwa Hya!"

`The Creator remains the Creator,- and creation is creation"•such is the ultimate difference which the transforming union and the most perfect "deification" cannot efface, since it is the sign of love;[528] al Hallaj points it out clearly also in another passage[529]:

"لا فرق بینی و بین ربی الا بصفین، وجودنا منہ و قومنا بہ"

"(At the summit of sanctity) only two differences exist any further between God and us: they are that our existence comes from Him, and our substance subsists in him."

In a few other most remarkable fragments[530] al Hallaj notes expressly that there can be no question of admitting any mixture, any illogical and impossible inclusion of the divine Absolute in our contingency,- of the Divinity (ilahiyah) in our flesh (bashariyah); the very word hulul, "infusion", which we have used so far by way of approximation, betrays his real thought[531]; in the strict sense of his words, God literally annihilates the creaturely attributes of the creatures which He sanctifies, and resuscitates them providing them with His own divine attributes[532] this is the "essentialisation", tajawhur[533] of the saint who ultimately is personalized by a miracle of grace, "Such as he is in himself, eternity finally charges him"[534]

The text which explains best the doctrine of the Hallājian sanctification is the prayer al Hallaj recited in prison" the day before his execution on Monday 25^th March 922 (23^rd Dhu al qada 309). There are few texts more certainly contemporary, and whose importance is better ascertained than this by the variety of recensions available:

Note: This text figures in an account of al Hallaj's last moments. It comes from his "khadim" Ibrahim ibn Fatik[535] who had been imprisoned together with him. Ibn Fatik is a well known Sufi[536]. If certain accounts put under his name and related to al Hallaj, can be questioned[537], the one before us is undoubtedly contemporary, since it was published by the great Qadi ibn al Haddad al Misri who died in 345/956,[538] highly esteemed by the Shafi'ite judiciary and the Sufi circles as well. In translation the text reads thus:

"Here we are: in Thy Witness[539] we must seek refuge, and clarity in the splendour of Thy glory, so that Thou mayest make manifest of Thy power and Thy decree that which Thou hast willed. For Thou art the God in heaven, and the God on earths![540] O Thou who irradiatest (through the universe) according to Thy will as on the day when Thou tookst on the Most Beautiful Form” (the human form)[541] in order to irradiate, according to Thy decree: the Form which then carried[542] the Spirit, only Witness to Thee by knowledge, eloquence and freedom!

Since then, it is (me), Thy present Witness, that Thou hast invested with the "essential personality".[543] And just as of old Thou closest my essence to represent Thee (among men),-when,- grace, after grace,- Thou causest the recognition (and proclamation) of my essence as the supreme Essence[544],- and as I showed the realities of my knowledge and of my miracles,- and in my "Ascensions" rose up to the thrones of my pre-eternities, from where I spoke the word that became creative of my creations[545]

executed, put to the gallows and burnt,- my ashes being scattered to the winds and the waters,

For, to speak the truth, a single grain of this aloe (—my ashes)[546] which is going to burn for Thee, lays for the future temple of my apothe oses[547] a foundation larger than the largest mountains!"

The rhythmical antitheses of this prayer which, in front of the pre-eternal splendours of the "Rūh" - Join the graces of the election so intimately with the hardships of the impending execution, - resound like an echo of words that were spoken in supremae nocte coenae (=in the night of the Last Supper), within sight of the Cross, according to the Gospel of Saint John: "Now, Father, it is time for you to glorify me with that glory I had with Thee before ever the world was.[548]"

[319] Ms. Shahid 'Ali Pasha 1374, 4th Opuscule of al Junayd.

[320] . Qur. XX, 43; then 40; then 39.

[321] . Ms. for ~1a71'

[322] Qur. LIII, 11.

[323] Qur. Llll, 10.

[324] Later summarized in the famous hadith SJ y; awl ja.t,, J JI ", (cf.al Shaharstani II, 125).

[325] These fragments, published by the traditionalist Ibn' Ata (+309/922) in his "Tafsir", were incorporated together with the latter in al Sulami's (+412/1021) "Tafsir" which in its turn was re-edited in al Baqli's "Tafsir".

[326] Sic. .'327.

[327] In al Baqli's "Tafsir" on Qur. XLVIII, 81: Ms. Berlin, f° 335a.

[328] Cf. Mas'udi's and Ibn Hazm's texts, in Friedlander, The Heterodoxies of the Shi'ites, 167.

[329] And perhaps also the author of the Tawāsin.

[330] Farq, ed. in Cairo, 238.

[331] 9th condemned proposition, in Ghunya...I,83-84. Cf. Nusayries. I. c. f° 54a-b and Wasiti and Sayyāri (in Baqli, I. c. on Qur. XXXIII, 56).

[332] Preserved in al Salami's Tafsir (on Qur. III, 138; IV. 103; IX, 43; IX, 129; XLVIII, 29) and in al Baqli's Tafsir (on Qur. XLVIII, 10, fragment 40).

[333] Traditional question. It presupposes the distinction between "nabi" and "rasul", admitted by the Imāmites. denied by the Zahirites (Ibn Hazm) and the Ash'arites. Al Ash'ari's answer was that Muhammad was really "rasul" only at the moment when he received his call (tabsirah, 435).

[334] . Al Baqli adds :

[335] . Ms. Azh. Kopr. 91: as

[336] Sic: Kopr. 91; Azh.:

[337] Azh., Kopr. 91 :.., 338 Cf. here below, p. 163.

[338] Of whom he makes the model of perfect life (cf. the very precise analysis of his doctrine in al Istakhri. 1. c p. 135). In this he follows Muhammad Ibn Al' at Hakim al Tirmidhi (+285/898) who had established the superiority of Jesus

[339] Khatim al wileiyah" on Muhammad "Khatim al nubuwah" (in khatam al awliyā, quest. 13 and 29; cf. Ibn `Arabi, Futuhat.., I. 206 etc.) Cf. al 'Ijli's and Ibn Hayit's ideas on Jesus (Shahrastāni, ed. 1317, I, 76 and II, 15). It is a development of the Quranic "Jesus"; the Sufis expected the second coming of Jesus as the triumph of the true Islam (Cf. Abu 'Uthmān al Maghribi, in Sulami's Tafsir on Qur. XIX, 32). A text of al Hallaj (Riwayat ..., trans! by at Baqli, in Shathiyat, Ms. Qadi `askar, f°144a) depicts the second coming of Jesus commissioned to establish on earth "the Supreme Prayer, the supreme Alms, the Supreme Fast and the Supreme Pilgrimage." For these Sufis "there, will be no other. Mandi than Jesus," according to the hadith reported by al Shafi`i following Bunan (in Malini, who died about 430/1038, "araba'in", Ms. Zahiriyah, XIII, 121).

[340] In Ibn Khamis al Ka'bi, Manaqib.." (320-a-15°); the verses of which I quote here only the first two, figure already in al Kalabadhi's "Ta'arruf", (cf. 143-a-15°).

[341] . A prophet.

[342] . "Ayat" means at the same time "verses" and "miracles".

[343] 11-2°: farash. Cf. hadith, in Sayiyd Murtadha (Ithaf IX, 590-following Asin).

[344] Var.: `;,.>! .;

[345] Var. :

[346] Criticising this verse, Ibn Taimiya (in Tafsiral kawakib, i.e.) notes that it concludes on the demand for fans (annihilation'. But fan& as "fang fi wandat al wujud", or as fang fi tawhid al rububiya `an wujud al siwa" is impious, and is "fang 'an 'ibadat al siwa" is reserved to the prophets.

[347] In Hujwiri, Kashf al Mahjub, translated by Nicholson, 38.

[348] In Tafsir, Ms. Azhar, Kopr. 91. Copied in Baqli, Tafsir, Ms. Berlin, f° 127a

[349] Cf. Bibliogr. (170-a-13°). Compare with Makki, Qut al Qulub II. 66.

[350] Cf. Sha'rawi, tabagat...ed. 1305, I, 107; except the piece of verse which is not reproduced.

[351] Cf. here p. 168. Compare theses on Moses of Hasan Basri, Faris and Abu 'Uthman Maghribi (in Baqli, tafsir, Ms. Berlin, f° 100b, 119a, 222a).

[352] On Qur. XXVIII, 29: extract, through al Sulami, in al Baqli's Tafsir, Ms. Berlin, f° 284b-285a.

[353] In al Baqli, Tafsir, on Qur. XXVIII, 29, Ms. Berlin, 285a.

[354] In Ghunya ... , ed. 1288, t. I, p. 83-84 : where there is the number "hundred".

[355] In al Baqli Tafsir, on Qur. VII, 139, Ms. Berlin, f° 100b.

[356] Kitab al Nuqat .... p. 92.

[357] Makki, Qut al Qulub I, 47.

[358] Makki, ibd , ibd.

[359] 10th proposition of his list, in Ghunya ... T, 83-84. Cf. to the contrary Fakhr al Din Razi's theory (khalq fi mahall) on the Burning Bush of Moses "Kallama Musa bi kalam andathahu fi al shajarah" (c.f. Goldziher, in Der Islam, 1912, p.p. 245-247).

[360] In " Ta'arruf " (143-a-51°). One sees that for al Hallaj the divine union is not a destruction, but a transfiguration of the personality. The Saint has found his true identity. The word quoted by al Kalabādhi is most noteworthy, it is the key to the word of the dying Hallaj, an ambiguous word :" (sic)

"The aim of the ecstatic lies in the perfect isolation of the personal being in the unity where God is for Himself Cf. My comprehensive study as regards the later variants of this word and the curious interpretations to which they have given way (cf. here p. 182).

[361] In the West I know only Rayon Lull (Raymundus Lullius, 1315) for having had this same idea, in his "Liber de Quadratura ..." (extract in Pasqual, Vindicice Lullianae, Avignon, 1778, I, 329: cf. Littre et Heureau, Hist. litt, fr,. XXIX, 305.)

[362] Ed. by Seybold, pp. 17, 64. One sees that like al Hallaj they use the words "nuqta" and "dayra" symbolically.

[363] In Futuhat ,etc.

[364] Pp. 113-114 at the end of his Kashaf al Hujub ..., printed in Cario, with-out date, 125 pages (859-a-1°, b-2°). His diagram has been somewhat summarily reproduced by Blochet, in Le Messianisme . . . , 1903, pp. 179-182.

[365] T. V, pp. 2-3 of the Bulaq ed., 1269

[366] Following al Baqli, Tafsir, Ms. Berlin, f° 355a (on Our. LIII, 11).

[367] Compilation of the 5th/11th century by al Kirmani (Ms. London 888, f° 326a, variant f°342b).

[368] In "Hatk al aster . . .", Ms. Cario, f°36.

[369] In "Sharh Kitab al Hujub", Ms. Cario, f°205b.

[370] Printed in Cario : 1, 379: in reality it is from at Kashi (+730/1330).

[371] In Qut al Qulub II, 78.

[372] In al Qushayri, Risalah, ed. 1318, p. 39, 1.8.

[373] In Kalabadhi, Ta'arruf (after fragment 143-a-18'i.

[374] In Sulami, Tafsir, on Qur. LXIV, 3; comp. Wasiti, in Baqli, I. c., f°210a.

[375] Quoted in at Hujwiri, Kashaf al Mahjub, ed. by Nicholson, p. 281.

[376] One sees how much the Hallàjian concept of ''tawhid" differs from the inaccessible "unity of God" in the Quran.

[377] In al Sulami, Tabaqat ... (Cf. Sh'arawi, Tabaqat ...I, 107). Likewise Faris, in at Kalabadhi (143-a-51°).

[378] Cf. here p. 165 and 182.

[379] Cf. here p 165.

[380] Cf here p. 103.

[381] 4th proposition of the list of condemned propositions by at Kilani, (in Ghunyah.. t. I, p. 83 of the 1288 ed.).

[382] In Futuhat .. , of Ibn 'Arabi, first ed., II, 737. Cf. another dialogue between Moses and Iblis, in al Ghazali (Ihya III, 34).

[383] Cf. fragments of al Hallaj in al Kalabadhi (cf. Bibliogr. 143-a-32'-34°).

[384] Isnād in Ibn Bakuyeh, bidayah ..., in al Khatib and in at Dhahabi. The comparison was made by at Kilani, 'Attar; at Samani (in Kashifi, Mawahib. on Qur. LXXIX, 25 and Qari, Sharh al Shifa) compares him to the "Ana" of Fir'awn.

[385] On the precise meaning of this technical term of the Sufis cf. al Qushayri, ed. by Ansari, III, 167.

[386] In at Baqli, Tafsir, on Qur. XXVI, 17: Ms. Berlin, f°274a.

[387] Adam. Strangeness which the Christian account explains with the fact that Adam is " the prefiguration of the Verb Incarnate": cf. St. Paul, "Hebr." I.

[388] Even for the saints, prophets and angels (Qut I, 227, 229.230; Qushayri, ed, by Ansari, I, 74 , II, 200; IV, 158).

[389] In al Sulami, Tafsir, on Qur. XXN, 28: Ms. Kopr. 91.

[390] Since his intention was to adore God alone.

[391] i.e. that of the "Murjites", of AbU Hanifah of al Ash'ari.

[392] Cf. at Shahrastani, ed. 1317, t. 1, p. 204.

[393] In Farq, ed. in Cairo, 245.

[394] In al Baqli, Tafsir: Ms. Berlin, f°89a, 18 lb, f°312b.

[395] Verse in al Baghdadi, Farq, p. 39.

[396] In Shahrastani, Cairo ed., 1317, I, 187.

[397] Cf Ibn al Murtada, ed. by Arnold, 1902, p. 49, for the answer of the Mutazilite AbU al Husayn at Khayyat to this subject.

[398] In Qut al Qulub II, 134.

[399] Cf. in at Kilani, Ghunyah . . . I, 80, a short analysis of the theory of the Murjite Ibn Shabib on this object. It is clear that, for them, Iblis is the exceptional case of a "mumin" changed into a "mushrik" losing in an instant all his knowledge of the "tawhid"; this the Murjites would not admit even for the greatest sinners among the Muslims.

[400] Qur. VII, X, 90 etc. Cf the hadith quoted here in al Baqli's commentary, p. 94. The second founder of Ash'arism, al Baqilani was inclined to believe that Fir'awn was not damned, but saved. Al Khālidi was of the same view (al Sh'arawi, Ki brit at ahmar, ed. 1306, on the margin of his Yawāqit, p. 2).

[401] First ed., I, 307; IV, 615.

[402] In Kibrit' al Ahmar . . . , on the margin of the Yewaqit ... , p. 12-13.

[403] Ed. in 1892, p. 392-97.

[404] In Mathnawi, trans]. by Tholuck, Ssufismus, Suppl, p. 31.

[405] In at Qushayri, Risalah, ed. by Ansari' 1,54-55; cf. tabsirah, 406.

[406] Cf. in Der Islam, year 1912, III-3, pp. 248-257.

[407] Sources in Doutte, Magie et Religion clans 1' Afrique du Nard, 1909, pp. 199-203.

[408] As will be held later on by Ibn I 'Arabi (cf. Futuhat ... IV, 90, 171) and 'Abd al Karim at Jili (al Insan al Kamil, ed. 1324, I, p. 40).

[409] The influence of the Mu'tazilite "ta'til" is visible.

[410] In alSulami, Tafsir on Qur. X, 35.

[411] AI Haqq" is constantly opposed to "al Khalq".

[412] Cf. the pseudo Kitab Uthulujiya Aristatilis wa huwa al qawl 'ala al rubuyah, transl. by al Himsi and al Kindi, ed. Dieterici, 1882, pp. 12. 13, 75, 90, Where this name, unusual at the time, is still a sample epithet: "true"

[413] In Fusus . . . hikmah, ed. Dieterici, 1892, p. 82,§ 55 fl.; cf p. 70, § 16.

[414] Kindness of Prof. Duncan Macdonald who wrote to me in connection With this word: "For myself, I incline to translate haqq, in this phrase, as "reality". As if "al haqq" was here the equivalent of haqiqah". "Haqq" alone, without the article, may have this impersonal and monistic meaning, but not "al Haqq", which is determined: cf. below, p. 184, and note 1.

[415] On this word of the famous answer of Orsola Benincasa (+1618), when in ecstacy at Rome, to Cardinal San Severina who was exercizing her: "Tu quis e. -Ego sum qui sum" (Santacroce, Madina, V. Gilbert, S. Pepe : in Diego Garzia Trasmiera, Vita della V. M. Orsola Benincasa, Monreale D. Grillo, 1648, II-5 fl138-139).

[416] Earlier, "al haqq" was generally considered as created, following the teaching of al Tirmidhi (Khatam ... quest. 88, 93), cf. al Junayd, Kitab i al uluhiyah, in Opscules. Ms. cit., VII.

[417] In Qushayri, ed. by Ansari, IV, 8: where "Abu (=Ibn) Mansur" must t corrected in accordance with Ibn Khamis al Ka'bi's rectification ("Manāqib ...' Cf. in at Sulami, tafsir on Qur. XXV, 60; LVIII, 22 and in al Baqli, tafsir c Qur. X 36).

[418] For he possesses "al `ilm a! laduni" (explained by al Hallaj in al Baqli tafsir on Qur. XVIII, 64).

[419] Cf. My extensive study. In particular, consult the fragments of al Hallaj in al Sulami, Tafsir on Our. III, 34; XXX, 45 and LXXXVIII, 13, and in al Baqli, Tafsir. on Our. XXXVII, 7.

[420] Cf. al Hallaj in al Sulami, tafsir on Qur. LXVIII, 4.

[421] In `Attār, Tadhkirat al Awliya, ed. by Nicholson, II, 21I.

[422] Persian translation preserved in al Baqli, Shathiyat, f° 159a, with commentary where al Baqli claims to bring the proof that it is an excuse of ; Hallāj for his 'Ana al Haqq!" Ibn al Dā`i (Tabsirah...402), while condemning this proposition, sums it up like this :c ddb j

[423] His own "I" which was not yet deified.

[424] In Makatib: extract of his correspondence in ShUshtari, Majālis Muminin, chap. Vt. allegory of the destruction through fire.

[425] In Akhbar a! Hallaj, extract in Bustāni, Dayrat al Ma'arif, t. VII p. 1! f1. Cf. Der Islam, III-3, 1912, pp. 249-250.

[426] In Al rumuz. . , al lahutiyah . . . , Ms. `Umumi, f°15b: explanation by ti "Ishrāq" theory (cf. Ihyā . . , III, 287, IV, 174, 230).

[427] In Shathiyat f° 54a, 58a, 59b, 68a, 70a, etc... and in Tafsir on Qur. I' 165 XLI,53, XXVIII, 10.

[428] In 'Awarif . . . ed. 1312, I, 177.

[429] In Hilaj Nameh, Tadhkirat al Awliya, and Bulbul Nameh.

[430] In Risalat fi al Safar, Ms. Koprulu, 1589.

[431] Pieces of verse and dissertations, in Hall a1 rumuz ... and Sharh hal Awliya.

[432] In Mathnawi Ma'nawi II, §8, verse 64; §45, 70; III, §16, verse 99, §81, and in Diwan Shams al Haqayq (Tabriz, 1280) p. 199, verse 17-20

[433] In Sharh al Mawaqif.

[434] In Tafsir on the Surahs I-LI (Ms. Cairo) : t. IV, on Qur. XXV III, 48.

[435] In Kitab ila a! Manbiji, in Jalal at 'Aynyn . . . of al Alusi, pp. 54-61; his fatwas "fi al radd 'alā at Hallāj" (Ms.cit. Zahiriyah, Damascus).

[436] In Tafsir on Qur. CXII, 4.

[437] In Awsaf al Ashrāf, bāb V, fasl 6.

[438] In Sharh al Aiba 'in' Ms. Paris, Suppl. Pers. 115, f' 57b fl.In Gulshani Raz, §§XXVII-XXVIII-XXLX,

[439] In Nāsihat a! Muwahhidin, opuscule in Ms. Umumi, 11.

[440] In Ghayat al Surur. .. alchemist theory of the "tajawhur al nafs" ("trans-substantiation of the soul").

[441] In Muqaddamah . . . , ed. in Cairo, 1322, p. 258.

[442] In Ghazal, 4th piece in bā (Diwan, ed. in Bombay, 1277,p.12).

[443] The first poet in Turkish language, skinned alive for having been preaching the doctrine of the "Ana al Haqq!" (cf. Sha 'raw], Yawāqit ... p. 14; and Gibb, A History of the Ottoman Poetry, 1900, I, 344-367).

[444] According to him, it is by repeating continuously "Ana al Haqq" that al Hallāj succeeded in maintaining himself in the "ittihād", permanent union with God (trans]. in Probst-Biraben, in "Initiation", April 1901, p. 39).

[445] In "Sharh" of `Iyād's Shifa, Cario 1285, t. II, p. 745.

[446] In Ithaf al Sadah . . . , commentary on al Ghazāli's Ihya, Cairo, I, 250 VIII, 484; IX, 569.

[447] Malayan author of the 10th/16th century, Ms. of the collection Snouck Hurgronje ("Mys tiek", f°109, f°115, kindness of Dr. Rinkes).

[448] In Ihya al `ulum al din, ed. 1312: I, 27; 1I, 199; III, 287; IV, 219.

[449] Id' and in "al Maqsad al Asna ... ", ed. 1324, pp. 61, 73, 75; cf also Ma`arij al Salikin, Ms. Paris, 1331, f° 160a

[450] Mishkāt al Anwār...ed. 1322, pp. 17-20, 24; his avowal is surrounded with quite telling reserves borrowed from earlier works to which he refers (p. 18-19).

[451] Criticized in "Bahr al Ma'ani" of Muhammad al Makki al Tshishti (Ms. Paris, Suppl pers. 966, f°132a fl.)

[452] In al Shattanawfi " Bahjat al Asrār ... " Ms. Paris, 2038, f°72a: isnad through al Basāyhj! cf. abridged recension, id. f°98b.

[453] Allusion to the "Burning Bush'' of Moses (Our. XX, 14); cf. above, PP. XX, 81.

[454] Hadith, cf here p. 167.

[455] This word which al Hallāj indeed pronounced before dying, has perhaps also another, less orthodox meaning (cf. here, p. 165 ; however, `Isa al Qassār assures us that the witnesses who heard him, took it in good part (in al Sarrāj, Luma', Ms. London 7710 f°164b: "hasb al tawhid, ifrad a! wajid!)

[456] Embryo of the "Insan Kamil" theory (cf. here, p. 140); i. e. :

[457] You alone are the "Huwa huwa!"

[458] Isnād through `Ali al Hid, in al Bandaniji (--after 1092/1681), "Jami` al Anwar ... " : in al Kilāni's biography (cf. Bibliogr. 1335-a-1°).

[459] Author of the Kitab al Madnun al Saghir wrongly ascribed to al Ghazāli Ibn `Arabi, Musamarat..., ed Cairo, I, 158-159).

[460] Cf. the anonymous legend of al Hallaj with Title “al Qawl al Sadid fi arjamant al Arifal Shahid” (Bibliogr., 970 a-14 °).

[461] Ibn `Arabi makes an allusion to this verse in his Taja!iiyāt al Ilāhiyah.

[462] 6 of the Istanbul edition, 1891; cf also Ms. Wien other opuscule with title al Bā, Ms. Paris, 1339, f'19a

[463] Theory of the five hadrāt.

[464] Extract from Alusi, Jalal al aynayn.,., p. 57; comp. Fusus..., 103.

[465] "Sirr" is the subconscious, the subliminal.

[466]

[467] Levit. chap. XVI, Numb. XXIX, 34.

[468] Ed. by Gfrorer, Prophetae vet eres pseudoepigraphi, 1840, chap. VIII IX, 5 X, 6; XIII, 1. ' 1;

[469] T. LXIII, No. 2, p. 204.

[470] Cf. Above, p. 96-97.

[471] This paragraph is entirely different in al Baqli's recension : "The place where Iblis is dying from thirst, is precisely the place which flows from abundance,- his jagged (notched?) knife has the stealthy smile of a lightening,- the "sharham" of his gaze keeps it steady and immobile,- his moves to go away are shams,- he is blinded by his own deceits!"- It is to be noted that "barhama" is founded in Lisan al 'Arab, ed. 1303, XIV, 314; whereas "sharhama" and "fathama" are unique, As regards the feelings here expressed,- compare the word of al Hallaj who, while walking through a lane of Baghdad, was surprised by the exquisite sound of a flute; "It is Iblis who weeps over the world" to put us to a test... (al Tanukhi, nishwar 56b;- cf. al Sarrāj Masari al ' Ushshaq, ed. 1301, 98-99).

[472] In Kitab al Nuqat. , ed by Seybold p 76.

[473] Passim, cf. also in opuscules of al Junayd (1. c II; letter to Yusuf ibn al Husayn al Rāzi).

[474] Cf above, p. 145. Al Mashiyah, i, e. "a! ma'lum". says al Hallaj (in al Sulami, Tafsir; on XLVII, 21 and LXII, 4).

[475] Cf. al Haliāj fragment in al Sulami, Tafsir on Qur. XXI, 43.

[476] Cf. the old Arabic version of the "Gospels" used by 'Abd al Masih ibn Ishaq al Kindi in his "Risdlah ila al Hashimi" (written towards 210/825? ed. in London, 1880, p. 156), where .,:t,:':..i ,5 zJ stands for the Greek of Matth. VI, 9. Compare also in this text the dualism of " Malkut .., Mashlyah" with that of " amr ...iradah ' .

[477] In al Sulami, Tafsir, on Qur. VII, 1; XXIV, 35 (170-d-41°, 108°).

[478] Recension B appears purposely attenuated.

[479] "' Awarif al Ma'arif", ch. IX; on the margin of "Ihya", Cairo ed. 1312, t. I, p. 177,

[480] In Sulami, reproduced in Sha'rawi, Tabqāt .., Cairo ed., 1305, t. I, p.111.

[481] Seclude from the definition of the pure divine essence.

[482] The faculty of discerning between good and evil; for God, they say knows only the good: the Intellect is created, not uncreated.

[483] The piecemeal gradual knowledge of the good and evil deeds, for the "Mashiyah" is created, not uncreated (cf. here p. 148 and 152).

[484] On the "Huwa huwa" cf. here p 130

[485] For the third person singular does not designate exclusively God.

[486] Ironically.

[487] I. e. : in the absolute,

[488] "Comparison", because "time", which is created, is brought into the definition.

[489] "Sifat adh Dhat"; and not an "attribute of the act" (sifat al fi'l), a hotly controverted question in those days (cf. p. 128).

[490] The particular will of God Mashiyan=ira.dah in al Haliāj) is therefore created and is not acceptable as a definition of the " "tawhid",

[491] It has no :'raison d'etre" any more.To "call off the dogs".

[492] Proposition which was refuted at the beginning.

[493] In al Sulami, Tafsir, on Qur. CXII, I.

[494] Every definition is exclusive, restrictive.

[495] Whereas God possesses everything.

[496] Ed. by Ansari, Cairo, 1290. I, pp. 45-48.

[497] For al Hallaj as for Ibn 'Atā the letters are created,- the Arab alphabet is created, contrary to the Hanbalite view. With a laconic irony quite characteristic, al Hallaj one day motivated his thesis thus :

" i)2' '.0 J J,;.(,., G,..V9 J )1 r,..L$y a.,"

(in Kalābadhi, Ta'arruf, 143-a-8°); i. e. : whoever is obliged to use letters for speaking, has a cause (for doing so), and whoever breaks up his speech in series (of clauses), does it by compulsion' ; the first proposition plays upon the root "alla" and the ' ta'lil", disease, i.e. the grammatical weakening of a consonant ; the second puts up the thesis - which was resumed by the Ash'arites,- that the divine Word is an indivisible totality which cannot be dissolved in a sequence of model clauses in order to express itself full:

[498] Published by al Kalabadhi : cf above, p. I.

[499] Is it perhaps a cipher of the corresponding letters of the alphabet, in numerical values represented like this : dl j d a d b jl It does not appear to make any sense,

[500] Cf. the alchemists ; compare the alphabet of the sirnāyā, in Ms. Paris, 2675 f°29a, 36a, 37b, 42b; cf. the "letters a lunettes", of Jewish origin (A. Danon, Amulettes sabbatiennes, J. A. P. 1910, p. 6, No 2, p. 14).

[501] F°5a, title quoted under No 416, in Tahir Beg's list.

[502] In "Majmu'ah", No 2, 'Umumi Library, Istanbul.

[503] Cf. Ms. London, 888' f°342a.

[504] Cf. Doutte, Magie et Religion dans I'Afrique du Nord, 1909, p. 155-156.

[505] This proposition is closely related to what the Western scholasticism used to call the "information".

[506] In "Ta'urruf" (143-a-13°. 16°, 42°).

[507] Bringing the "subconscious" forward to the domain of reflection.

[508] Cf. above, p. 153.

[509] Cf. above, p. 153.

[510] Cf. al Kilani, Ghunyah... , I, 54, where Ibn Hanbal's propositions are found.

[511] Cf. Qushayri, ed. by Ansāri, IV, 148; Ibn 1'Arabi , Futuhat .,, , III, 149 ; stani, ed. 1317, II, 111-112.

[512] In Akhbar al Halldj,, Ms. London, 888, 1'° 340b-341a.

[513] Cf. in Ibn 'Arabi, Fusus ... , ed. 1891, pp. 94-95 • adopted in the aq;dah" of al Haliaj as expressing the preliminary "tanzih".

[514] Cf. the famous hadith on the "ink of the scholars weighing more Gha2al1 ( by the . tears of the saints and the blood of the martyrs!” which al Ghazali (Ihya…, 1,6) surprisiongly ascribed to Hassan Basri.

[515] Al Baqli, I.c. on Qur.XLVII< 21; comp. with al Junayd’s Kitab al Mithaq (Opucs., Ms. Cit. VI).

[516] Notes on Tawasin 57 Ibn Taghribirdi, Nujum ... II, 340-341; al Qushayri IV, 12, 184! Jami, Nafahat .,, ed Less, 210). He was indeed Great Qadi of Egypt in 322-324, 324-325 and 333-334 (cf. al Kindi, Histoire des qadhis d'Egypte, ed. Gottheil, 156, 157, 159, 164).

[517] In Abu al Qasim at Saqali (+about 390/999), Kitab al Sharh ... min kalam Shal, Ms. Kopr., 727, chap. V, end. - Following at Nahāwandi, the book was written in Qayrawan and was chosen from Sahl's book of the "thousand sentences" which Abu al Hasan Ibn Salim, the founder of the Sālimiyah, had collected directly.

[518] In al Kalabadhi, Taarruf (143-a-12°). In another prose fragment (id, 143-a-17°) al Hallaj resumes this idea and gives it greater precision.

[519] Like grazing cattle.

[520] . In al Sulami, Tafsir, on Qur. VII, 1, etc. - al Hallaj's text in Ms. London, 188, f° 336a, which carries the sentence aiy..,, JI ajl i; Jh 1,, Jl y ~gJlr'« yi 4ii;JI cf. Ms. Sulaymāniya; 1028, XXV, f° II.

[521] Written at the beginning of certain surahs.

[522] . References in Etheridge, Hebrew Literature, London 1856, p. 319.

[523] Tarikhal Hind, text p. 169, trans!. I, 333. Of the " sr" it says this ccvl aS~ aaJ! ~ .° ' L A,J 111 ,.,J V1 -alai I (HI.... ea ••ala'e,1»

[524] Al Hallaj and Faris, to Sulami, Tafsir on Qur. XXXIII, 72 etc; comp. with Ghazali, Ihya ... III, 11.

[525] Cf. the Malikite Turtushi's (+520/1126) criticism of al Ghazali; " ... he strayed from the path of the 'Ulema, ... he devoted himself to those who are masters in the knowledge of the hearts" ... " (in Salami, Radd... II, 355).

[526] In Qushayri, Risalah, ed. Ansari, IV, 49-50.

[527] It might he that the observation which was made of the "dhikr" of the Hallajiy consisting of the repetition of " Lah He, Lah Ha Lah Hi" '- derives from there (in Le Chatelier, Confreries Musulmanes du Hedjaz, 1887, p. 33, No. 1; source unknown)-.

[528] Made manifest by the creation of God's "nāsut", the "huwa huwa", which unveils the secret of God's love, according to at Hallaj (cf. above p. 130 )

[529] In Ibn Dihdār Fani (+1016/1607) " Sharh Khutbat al Bayan " Ms. Ind. Off. Pers. 1922, f° 207a.

[530] Ms. Sulaymāniyah, 1028, XXV, f°s 10-11.

[531] AI Hallaj discards it in a fragment preserved by at Sulami, Tafsir, on Qur. LVII, 3 (end). Ja'far Sādiq admitted it (Baqli, tafsir, f° 265b).

[532] In at Sulami, tafsir on Qur. XXX, 45.

[533] The word comes from at Jildaki.

[534] . S. Mallarme, Le Tombeau d'Edgar Poe.

[535] Hamd, son of at Hallaj, notes expressly in the introduction of the account published by Ibn Bakuyeh (in bidāya).

[536] Abu al Fatik Ibrahim Baghdadi ibn Fatik ibn Sa'id : son of a Syrian Shaykh of Bayt al Maqdis (Jerusalem) (following Harawi, 'Tabaqāt ..'. cf. 1059-a-27°). "Rawi" accepted by al Qushayri (Risala, ed. Ansari, IV. 4, 97). Not to be mistaken, as it has happened, with his brother Abu al 'Abbas Ahmad, surnamed al Razzaz (Jami, Nafahat .. , 170.

[537] In Akhbar al Hallāj Whereas the isnad of the recension borrowed by al Khatib from al Sulami carries one single intermediary between al Sulami and al Misri: Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn at Qaffāl al Shāshi, a recognized Shafi'ite jurist who died in 365/975 )Haji Khalifah, ed. by Fluegel, II, 639; III, 413.

[538] Abu Bakr Muhammàd ibn Ahmad al Kināni àl Misri, surnamed "ibn al Haddad" and "Abu al Hadid"; born in 264/877, died in 345/956; jurist, disciple of al Tabari, then Shāfi'ite, author of the Kitab al Furst': this book was Wide spread among the Sufis (cf. Ibn Khallikān, ed. Bulaq 1859, I, 163; Fihrist 1, 235;

[539] Theory of the “Shahid, cf. p. 140

[540] Recension B here adds: “O Thou hast unrolled the course of the ages and hast given shape to the space, - before Thee the substances humiliate and the accidents prostrate themselves, - from Thee the bodies receive coherence and the laws exemplarity!”

[541] In Adam. Cf. Qur. XCV, 4.

[542] B: who was …cf. al Kharraz, I.c. above, p. 132.

[543] The “Hawa huma”, the power to say “he” in the name of God.

[544] Allusion to the “Ana al Haqq!” (note 2 of Baqli, p. 205).

[545] From the point of view of his supernatural existence (as man) as being his own “creation”, “barriyah” (note 4 of al Baqli, p. 205.

[546] Under the root "الینجوج و الافجوج العود الذی یتبخربہ" : نج" Lisan al ‘Arab, ed. 1300, II. 198). The wrok is used in a hadith on Adam’s fall from the Parasise (fc. Ibn al Athir, Gharib al Hadith, s.v.)

[547] My body risen, transfigured and glorious.

[548] John VXII, 5. compare with S. Paul, Ephes., I, 4: (= Before the world was made, he chose us in Him, to be holy and spotless, and to live through loe in his presence.).